Locking Up Our Own audiobook cover - Crime and Punishment in Black America

Locking Up Our Own

Crime and Punishment in Black America

James Forman Jr.

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Locking Up Our Own
Core Thesis+
Marijuana & Heroin (1970s)+
Gun Control (1975-1976)+
Integration of Police+
Mandatory Minimums (1980s)+
Crack Epidemic & Warrior Policing+
Stop and Search (1995)+

Quiz — Test Your Understanding

Question 1 of 7
Why did the predominantly Black city council and community in Washington, DC, oppose easing marijuana laws in 1975?
  • A. They wanted to align with federal mandates on the war on drugs.
  • B. They feared easing penalties would lead to increased crime and addiction, influenced by the recent heroin epidemic.
  • C. They believed marijuana was the primary cause of gun violence in the city.
  • D. They needed the revenue generated from fines associated with marijuana arrests.
Question 2 of 7
What was the unintended consequence of the strict gun control laws passed by the DC city council in 1976?
  • A. They completely eliminated gun ownership among white citizens while ignoring Black neighborhoods.
  • B. They sparked a massive increase in illegal gun manufacturing within the city limits.
  • C. They primarily punished poorly educated, low-income Black men while failing to address the root causes of gun crime.
  • D. They led to the immediate defunding of the police department due to a lack of gun-related arrests.
Question 3 of 7
According to the text, why did increasing the number of Black police officers fail to significantly reduce police violence against Black citizens?
  • A. Black officers were often assigned exclusively to white neighborhoods where they had no interaction with Black citizens.
  • B. Black officers were heavily influenced by class divisions and often perceived poor Black people as a risk to law and order.
  • C. Black officers were not allowed to carry firearms or make arrests until the late 1990s.
  • D. Black officers intentionally targeted middle-class Black citizens to prove their loyalty to white supervisors.
Question 4 of 7
How did Councilman John Ray and Police Chief Burtell Jefferson successfully campaign for Initiative 9, which established mandatory minimum sentences for drug dealing?
  • A. By promising that the law would exclusively target high-level drug cartels rather than street-level dealers.
  • B. By securing funding from white suburban voters who wanted to keep drugs out of their neighborhoods.
  • C. By visiting murder scenes to demonstrate to the enraged public that crime was a massive problem in DC.
  • D. By presenting statistical evidence that mandatory minimums had successfully eliminated drug use in other major cities.
Question 5 of 7
What policing approach emerged in the late 1980s as a direct response to the crack cocaine epidemic?
  • A. Community policing, which focused on building deep relationships between officers and neighborhood youth.
  • B. Restorative justice policing, which prioritized rehabilitation and therapy over incarceration.
  • C. Warrior policing, which trained officers to view young people in high-crime neighborhoods as potential enemies.
  • D. Decriminalization policing, which instructed officers to ignore drug offenses and focus solely on homicides.
Question 6 of 7
What was a major flaw of Eric Holder's "Operation Ceasefire" program implemented in 1995?
  • A. It relied on pretextual traffic stops that disproportionately targeted poor Black neighborhoods, yielding few weapons but many minor arrests.
  • B. It only applied to the city's prosperous, white neighborhoods, leaving Black communities without adequate police protection.
  • C. It required police officers to obtain federal warrants before conducting any vehicle searches, making the program too slow to be effective.
  • D. It accidentally legalized the possession of concealed handguns during traffic stops.
Question 7 of 7
What is the central paradox explored in the book regarding the marginalization of Black people in the justice system?
  • A. Federal lawmakers continuously tried to lower prison sentences, but local judges refused to implement the changes.
  • B. The Black community and its leaders often advocated for and passed the very tough-on-crime laws that ultimately disproportionately incarcerated Black people.
  • C. White politicians passed lenient drug laws to encourage addiction in Black communities, but Black citizens refused to use the drugs.
  • D. The media ignored police brutality against Black Americans until social media was invented in 2013.

Locking Up Our Own — Full Chapter Overview

Locking Up Our Own Summary & Overview

Locking Up Our Own (2017) takes a look at the US war on drugs in Washington, DC, and its impact on Black Americans. It draws on significant drug and gun legislation from the 1970s through to the late 1990s, which shaped policing methods and influenced the targeting of crime in Black communities.

Who Should Listen to Locking Up Our Own?

  • People who want to learn about America’s war on drugs
  • Those interested in the relationship between the police and Black Americans
  • Anyone who wants to know about crime and judiciary procedures in Washington, DC, from 1970 to the 1990s

About the Author: James Forman Jr.

James Forman Jr. is an author, professor of law at Yale Law School and the cofounder of the Maya Angelou Public Charter School in Washington, DC. He has written for the New York Times, the Atlantic and many law periodicals.

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